The level of insecurity poses a risk to the smooth running of elections
Originally published on Global Voices
Screenshot of the DRC on France 24’s YouTube channel.
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is gearing up for significant elections in December 20, 2023. Over 45 million Congolese citizens are set to elect their president, as well as parliamentary, provincial, and municipal representatives, against the backdrop of partial civil war.
The country’s authorities are sharpening their tools to ensure that these elections are transparent, peaceful, and credible in the eyes of the Congolese people and observers of the socio-political landscape of the DRC. Following the declaration of the election date on November 26, 2022, a pre-electoral campaign atmosphere has engulfed the country. The primary emphasis is on the presidential election, which will determine a new five-year cycle of leadership.
Félix Tshisekedi, president since December 2018, is running for a second term at the helm of the country. On the opposing side, alliances are beginning to form among politicians, particularly within the Congolese opposition. It is mainly composed of declared candidates such as Moïse Katumbi, a former ally of Félix Tshisekedi and candidate for the Ensemble pour la République party; Martin Fayulu from the Engagement pour la Citoyenneté et le Développement (ECiDé) party; Augustin Matata Ponyo, former prime minister under Joseph Kabila‘s administration; Denis Mukwege, a gynaecologist and the recipient of the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize; and Delly Sesanga, a member of the L’Envol de la RDC party.
Meanwhile, the country remains embroiled in ongoing armed conflicts, with the North Kivu region, situated in the eastern part of the country, serving as a focal point. Here, the M23 rebels are spreading fear and causing trouble, forcing thousands of people to flee their homes. This region is one of the areas with the highest number of voters (3,864,600 people had registered to vote at the last elections in 2028). The M23 is composed of former Congolese soldiers, mainly from the North Kivu province, who demand better representation in this resource-rich region, abundant in minerals such as gold, coltan, and tin. Disarmed since 2013, the M23 rebels have taken up arms again, citing the failure of Kinshasa to fulfil its commitments as the reason for their actions.
Despite the presence of various intervention missions in the country, including the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), forces from the East African Community (EAC), and the regional force of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the abuses committed by the M23 rebels persist.
The country is also plagued by corruption: it scores 20 out of 100 on the Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, ranking 166 out of 180 countries. Freedom of expression is also at its lowest point. In Reporters Without Borders’ 2023 World Press Freedom Index, the DRC ranks 124th out of 180 countries. Despite its mineral-rich subsoil, the DRC remains one of the five poorest countries in the world. According to the World Bank, in 2022, the population of the DRC lived on less than USD 2.15 per day.
To gain a better understanding of the context surrounding the upcoming electoral deadlines, Global Voices conducted a WhatsApp interview with Edgar Katembo Mateso, a Congolese teacher and researcher in political and social philosophy, and the first vice-president of the civil society organisation in North Kivu, DRC.
Jean Sovon (JS): In what context are the elections taking place in the Democratic Republic of Congo?
Edgar Mateso (EM): Le processus électoral est déjà lancé mais il démarre dans un contexte particulièrement difficile. Celui de l’insécurité à l’Est du pays mais aussi un contexte politique où les acteurs politiques se disent menacés, notamment les opposants qui ne trouvent pas leur part dans le processus électoral en cours.
Edgar Mateso (EM): The electoral process has already been initiated, but it is starting amidst a particularly difficult context. This context is marked by insecurity in the eastern region of the country and a political environment where various political actors express concerns about their safety. Opposition figures, in particular, feel marginalised and believe they are not adequately included in the ongoing electoral process.
JS: How would you describe the current context in which the December 2023 presidential elections are being prepared? What are the challenges? What is at stake?
EM: Sur le plan sécuritaire au niveau du Nord-Kivu, nous sommes sous état de siège même chose en Ituri (province à l’Est du pays). Malheureusement, une de ces deux provinces est assiégée par l'armée rwandaise qui se camoufle derrière les rebelles du M23. Pendant que dans la partie nord de la même province, des groupes armés continuent de massacrer la population civile, notamment les Forces démocratiques alliées (ADF), la Coopérative pour le développement du Congo (CODECO), la Force de résistance patriotique de l'Ituri (FRPI), les Mai-Mai qui déstabilisent la paix sociale dans les milieux ruraux. Depuis bientôt six mois, le gouvernement a accepté de faire venir la force régionale de l’EAC qui malheureusement, ne s'est pas bien comportée sur le terrain. Malgré cette présence, le M23 continue d’être visible sur le terrain. Entre-temps, il y a des zones qui sont inaccessibles à l’armée congolaise. On se demande comment on pourrait organiser les élections dans ce contexte là. Déjà l’enrôlement s’est pas passé sans les territoires de Rutshuru (situé dans le Nord-Kivu) où la population est en fuite vers l’Ouganda. Même ceux qui étaient à l'intérieur du pays avaient des difficultés à se faire enrôler. Ça va créer des difficultés pour ces territoires d'avoir des représentants dans les institutions tant nationales que provinciales.
Sur le plan social, ce sont les fonctionnaires de l’État qui continuent à présenter leurs remous. Lors de la paye du mois d’avril, plusieurs fonctionnaires et principalement les enseignants ont vu leurs salaires être retranchés de 10.000 francs congolais (5 dollars américains). Mais ils n’ont pas compris pourquoi une telle somme pouvait être retirée de leurs salaires sans qu’ils ne soient avisés. Ceci risque de pousser ces agents dans des grèves interminables alors que nous sommes déjà en période pré-électorale.
EM: In terms of security in North Kivu, we are under siege. The situation is the same in Ituri [a province in the east of the country]. Unfortunately, one of these two provinces is under siege by the Rwandan army, which is hiding behind the M23 rebels. Whilst in the northern region of the province, armed groups such as the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), the Cooperative for the Development of Congo (CODECO), and the Patriotic Resistance Front of Ituri (FRPI) continue to slaughter the population, the Mai-Mai destabilise social peace in rural areas. For nearly six months, the government has agreed to deploy the regional force of the East African Community (EAC), but unfortunately, their conduct on the ground has been unsatisfactory. Despite their presence, the M23 remains active and visible in the area. In the meantime, there are areas that are inaccessible to the Congolese army. One wonders how elections could be organised in this context. Already, the voting registration process did not take place in the territories of Rutshuru [located in North Kivu] where the population is fleeing towards Uganda. Even those inside the country had difficulty getting registered. It will be difficult for these territories to have representatives in both national and provincial institutions.
On the social front, it is the state’s civil servants who continue to suffer. During the April pay period, several civil servants, mainly teachers, had 10,000 Congolese francs (USD 5) deducted from their salaries. They could not understand why such a large sum could be taken from their salaries without their knowledge. This risks pushing these agents into endless strikes when we are already in the pre-election period.
JS: To what extent do you think these issues influence the weigh in the balance of interests of the candidates?
EM: Il faut que le gouvernement arrive à baisser la tension sécuritaire dans la partie Est de la RDC. Dans un contexte comme celui-là, il sera difficile d’organiser les élections dans un climat apaisé surtout que la population n’est pas d’accord avec le déploiement de toutes ces forces parce qu’elles n’ont servi pratiquement à rien depuis leurs arrivées dans le pays.
EM: The government needs to effectively reduce the security tension in the eastern part of the DRC. In a context like this, it will be difficult to organise the elections in a peaceful climate, especially as the population does not agree with the deployment of these forces because they have served practically no purpose since their arrival in the country.
JS: Considering that security issues remain so important, do you fear a high abstention rate during these elections?
EM: Il y a plutôt un risque de réticence. Certaines personnes vont hésiter à aller voter parce qu’ils n'y trouvent aucun intérêt. Certains députés élus n’ont pas été à la hauteur de la tâche pour pousser le gouvernement à répondre aux désirs des populations. De plus, ceux qui seront élus avec ce faible taux de participation pourront représenter la population, alors que si les élections s’étaient passées dans de bonnes conditions, ils ne seraient peut-être pas à ces postes.
EM: There is a notable risk of reluctance among the population. Many individuals might hesitate to cast their votes as they perceive no direct benefits from doing so. Moreover, certain elected officials have not adequately fulfilled their responsibilities in pushing the government to address the concerns of the people. As a result, those elected with a low voter turnout may end up representing the population, even though they might not have attained such positions under different circumstances.
JS: What role can civil society play in ensuring that these elections provide a starting point for addressing the numerous crises facing the country?
EM: Au niveau de la société civile, nous avons une triple mission. D'abord éducatrice: dans des circonstances comme celle-ci nous devons éduquer la population, la mobiliser, lui retracer les bons profils des meilleurs candidats pour les élections. La société civile doit orienter la population et doit rappeler que le vote est un droit et un devoir. Nous remplissons également une mission de sentinelle où nous surveillons le bon fonctionnement et le bon déroulement des élections. De plus, la société civile fait pression quand elle trouve que les intérêts des communautés ne sont pas respectés. À ce niveau au Nord-Kivu, nous menons des pressions sur les gouvernants afin que les élections se déroulent dans les meilleures conditions pour que la population se trouve sécurisée.
EM: Civil society has a threefold mission. First, we act as educators. In times like these, it is our duty to educate and mobilise the population, highlighting the profiles of the most suitable candidates for the elections. We guide the people and emphasise that voting is not only a right but also a responsibility. We also serve as guardians, closely monitoring the proper conduct and integrity of the electoral process. Moreover, civil society exerts pressure whenever it perceives the interests of communities are disregarded. In the case of North Kivu, we are actively advocating for the authorities to ensure that the elections are conducted under the best possible conditions, prioritising the safety of the population.
JS: What steps should the government take?
EM: Le gouvernement a le devoir de tout faire pour que ces élections se tiennent à temps et que les populations en déplacement (déplacés internes et réfugiés) puissent retourner dans leurs villages respectifs pour bien participer à ce processus électoral conformément au calendrier déjà fixé par la Commission Électorale Nationale Indépendante (CENI).
EM: The government has the duty to do everything possible to ensure that these elections take place on time and that displaced populations (internally displaced persons and refugees) can return to their respective villages to actively participate in the electoral process, in accordance with the schedule already set by the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI).
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